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Blogging in the bubble: my third piece for the Guardian

Azrieli Towers

My third piece for the Guardian newsblog is about bloggers who don’t like to write about politics. It starts like this:

One of Israel’s most famous bloggers never writes about politics. “It bores me,” explains Liat Bar-On, a 36-year-old journalist. “I consider myself a leftist and I was against the Gaza war, but I don’t want to write about the violence and the corruption and the crappy reality around me. I prefer to bury my head in the sand and ignore it all.”

Bar-On’s blog, Doda Malka (Auntie Malka), is about “life and relationships – that is, about my relationships.” She channels her considerable writing talents into musings about topics that range from why she gets irritated with friends who send long text messages to her mobile phone, to whether or not she would like to become a single mother via artificial insemination.

Click here to read the rest.

My second piece for the Guardian: Anyone but Bibi!

My second piece on the Israeli blogosphere’s take on the elections is now up on the Guardian’s website. It starts like this:

“A friend – and occasional blogger – who lives in a prosperous town in central Israel phoned me from her car this morning to moan about the state of the country. ‘I’m depressed,’ she announced from the driver’s seat of her child-friendly SUV. ‘I’m driving around the main streets of my town, looking at the campaign posters, and they are all for far-right parties! What’s going on in this country?! What happened to the moderate left?’”

Click here to read the rest.

Aaaand another fruitcake for the Middle East Insane Asylum

The following is a letter that was sent today to Pinchas Buchris, the Israeli Defense Ministry Director-General. To paraphrase the person who sent it to me, it just goes to show that this conflict is all about who owns the hummus!

Hummus by Liormania on Flickr, Creative Commons

Hummus by Liormania on Flickr, Creative Commons

Dear Mr. Buchris,

On behalf of People for the Ethical Treatment of Animals (PETA) and our more than 2 million members and supporters worldwide, I am writing to propose an idea that would draw attention to how simple it is to reduce violence. I’ve attached a copy of a poster that we hope you will allow us to post on both sides of the Gaza Strip and West Bank barriers. The sign depicts what the world wants to see: Israelis and Palestinians breaking bread together, something that often seems unachievable. The meal is vegetarian-the only diet that does not involve bloodshed-and the poster carries the slogan “Give Peas a Chance,” which is inspired by John Lennon’s song about war. We have also included the statement “Nonviolence Begins on Our Plates: Go Vegetarian” on the sign in both Hebrew and Palestinian-Arabic.

Throughout the Middle East and the world, animals raised for their flesh, eggs, and milk routinely suffer physical and emotional pain, terror, and death. Certainly, these are horrors that humans come to understand during times of war. Treated as inanimate objects who are not worthy of our respect, many animals are still conscious and able to feel pain as they are skinned and dismembered-something that can only be described as torture. Although we are often powerless to stop much of the violence in the world, every time that we sit down to a meal, we can make the choice not to participate in violence against animals.

While choosing a falafel sandwich over a lamb chop might not create instant peace, it will reduce the amount of preventable suffering in our world, which is valuable in and of itself. International peacemaker Mohandas Gandhi said, “The greatness of a nation and its moral progress can be judged by the way its animals are treated.”

Please let me know that we have your permission to place these posters on the barriers. Thank you for your consideration.

Very truly yours,
Ingrid E. Newkirk
President

Update: Mohamed took the time to go over to the PETA blog and confirm that this is not a joke. Voila, the posters.

Writing about Israeli blogs for the Guardian

I’m writing a series of articles for the Guardian’s newsblog about Israeli political bloggers and what they’re saying about the upcoming national elections. Each post will cover a different demographic / political orientation. The first one, If bloggers were representative of the mainstream, was published today. The article starts like this:

Assuming the polls are accurate – and they have been quite consistent – Israeli voters are poised to elect a rightwing government in next week’s elections. But if bloggers were representative of the mainstream, Israel’s next government would probably be a Jewish-Arab coalition of socialists, social democrats and environmentalists.

Click here to read the rest.

Guest post from a reader: on Gaza, fundraisers, and prejudice

Protestors demonstrate against the BBC's decision in London. Credit: Frantzesco Kangaris/Agence France-Presse

Protesters demonstrate against the BBC in London. Credit: Frantzesco Kangaris/Agence France-Presse

A reader who works for the BBC wrote to ask if I planned to post about her employers’ decision against broadcasting a fund raising appeal for Gaza. The Beeb based its decision on the concern that broadcasting the appeal while the story was ongoing would give the impression of bias. John Burns of the New York Times summarizes the ensuing controversy here.

Anyway, I responded to this reader’s query by observing that I hadn’t really been following the controversy very closely, even though I knew it was a huge story in the UK. Privately, I thought it sounded shrill, polarizing and unnecessary. And even more privately I thought, “Eh, the Brits are so eccentric. After all, they eat yeast paste on white bread for breakfast. Eechs. And besides that, imagine thousands marching on the streets of London if the Beeb refused to broadcast a fundraiser for East Timor, Congo or Sri Lanka. Ha!”

So I suggested that this reader might be interested in writing a guest post for this blog. Below is her response, which I am publishing with permission. The reader’s name is witheld for obvious reasons.

Oh, two more things: Sky news also decided against broadcasting the appeal; and in the end, the Disasters Emergency Committee (DEC) raised GBP 3 million – even though the money might never actually end up helping the people of Gaza.

***

Hi Lisa

Truth be told, I’m reluctant to write about it because: (a) I do not proclaim to be a writer – nor a decent one at that and (b) although I understand the decision not to air the appeal and, to a degree, stand by the decision, I’m still unsure whether or not it was the right decision in the long run. The argument that the Director General puts forth is that it’s a continuing news story and by broadcasting an emotional appeal on a news channel with harrowing images, it might appear that the BBC was “taking sides”. In addition, management was not convinced that the funds raised would reach the victims and those in need. And yet, by not broadcasting it, the BBC has been denounced as pro-Israel/ anti-Palestine and taking sides.

Just as a side note: this isn’t the first time that an appeal was rejected by the BBC. In 2006, the BBC rejected an appeal for East Africa, again, because they weren’t certain that the funds would reach the victims.

I don’t mean to sound like a PR piece for the BBC and as I said, although I understand the decision I can’t say with 100 percent certainty that it is the right one.

What does piss me off, however, is that this tragic war and the BBC’s refusal (as well as Sky’s refusal) to air the appeal, seems to have been hijacked by and turned into yet another example of how evil they perceive Israel to be. Or how “powerful Jews” lobby and influence broadcasters. Every day, I am emailed viewer’s comments about our programmes and recently, I’m particularly astonished at people objecting to a presenter on a children’s show (“Blue Peter“), who is rediscovering his Jewish roots. The comments are too depressing to reiterate.

I should probably note that I’m not Jewish (or Christian- never even been baptized!) but rather, just another person who wants peace in the Middle East.

Also, perhaps it’s my Canadian upbringing (and thus hyper sense of political correctness), but I am regularly shocked at how anti-Israel (anti-Jewish? I don’t know), Europe and Europeans can be. Not anti-Olmert/current politicians – but out and out ANTI-ISRAEL. And even though I identify as someone who is left-wing, I always seem to find myself isolated when it comes to that old debate that everyone and their dog has an opinion about  – i.e. Israel’s right to exist.

Sorry to have gone on about this, I guess I’m just tired of walking past the protests outside my work and having “shame” screamed at me for something out with my control. It’s been cathartic though!

Israeli election campaign clips: seriously hilarious

There’s never a dull moment in the Israel Ward of the Middle East Insane Asylum. In Gaza they’re still counting corpses while reporters, banned from the territory during the military campaign, climb over the rubble, interviewing people and trying to reconstruct what happened over the previous month. Meanwhile, over here in Israel, we’re on to the next big drama – national elections.

The pollsters are causing liberals and social democrats to reach for the anti-anxiety meds. Apparently Likud, led by Benjamin (Bibi) Netanyahu (a.k.a. the worst prime minister in the history of Israel, a little factoid won’t distract the amnesiacs who plan to vote for him) is poised to win the most seats, in which case he would have an opportunity to show us all that he hasn’t changed one bit since the last time he was prime minister. Given that Avigdor (Yvet) Lieberman’s far-right Yisrael Beiteinu seems set to win an unprecedented number of seats, Bibi would probably ask him to join the coalition – in return for important ministries like…never mind, I don’t want to think about it.

So, quick summary for readers unfamiliar with Israeli politics:

  • There are 120 seats in the Knesset
  • The governing party or coalition must have a minimum of 61 seats (most seek about 70, to minimize the risk of rebellious coalition members withdrawing and leading to collapse of the government)
  • Israel’s fragmented multi-party system, with many small parties holding only two or three seats, means that no one party ever wins an absolute majority of seats
  • That means that the head of the party which wins the plurality of seats gets to be prime minister – after he woos a bunch of smaller parties to join his/her coalition, usually in exchange for important ministries (defense, education, finance, absorption) and/or a budget for projects important to their constituents (e.g., Shas is always after a bigger child allowance for their poor, religious and fecund Mizrachi constituents).
  • Right now, the three most important parties are, in ascending order, Labor (Barak), Kadima (Livni) and Likud (Netanyahu). According to Maariv newspaper’s latest poll, Yisrael Beiteinu would win 16 seats and Labor 17.
  • Full results of the Maariv poll: Likud 28, Kadima 23, Labor 17, Yisrael Beiteinu 16, Shas 10.

So in effect, the two main candidates for prime minister are Bibi Netanyahu and Tzipi Livni.

Ehud Barak

Here’s a photo I took last year of Ehud Barak, just after he cast his vote for the Labor party leadership. Note
the smarmy, self-satisfied expression. ;)

The broadcast authority allots each party a certain amount of television air time time for its campaign advertisements; and it is not possible to buy more time. So this election season, they are uploading their clips to YouTube and posting them on their party websites. Below is a selection of a few that caught my attention.

This is a clip of Bibi Netanyahu making a speech that’s all about strength: “Over the past few weeks, we have proven that we have a strong nation (refering to the Gaza campaign); we have proven that we have a strong army (ditto); now we need one more thing – a strong government.” (woo hoo! let’s be macho and kick lots of butt!) Check out Bibi’s website for more video clips; and while you’re there, check out his use of social media. Notice that his campaign is all about security, with little-to-no mention of social issues.

Lieberman does not have any campaign advertisements posted on his website, so I thought I’d bring you a charming little clip that I found on YouTube. It shows Yvet telling an Arab Member of Knesset that only he (Lieberman) understands the Arabs, and that Hamas would “take good care” of the Arab MK. It’s subtitled, so you can all enjoy the full racist horror.

Tzipi Livni’s campaign commercial actually depressed me the most. A blurry, unrecognizable figure moves through various corridors of power, surrounded by bodyguards and important-looking people, as the narrator says, “He was a decorated army officer. He served in the Mossad. He served as head of the Government Companies Authority. He was the Minister of Regional Security, Minister of Absorption and Justice Minister. He was Foreign Minister, a member of the security cabinet and substitute prime minister. He led international diplomacy efforts. No one would doubt that he could be prime minister – if he weren’t….a woman (as the pixels clear and Tzipi’s face is revealed).”
In other words, Tzipi is really a man  – except s/he has a vagina and breasts.

Okay, enough of the gloomy stuff. Let’s look at Hadash‘s campaign (Hadash is the Arab-Jewish Socialist party – Wikipedia entry here). Unlike the previous clips, which are in Hebrew with Russian subtitles, Hadash’s message is in Hebrew and Arabic with simultaneous subtitles in either language. This makes sense, since Arabic is Israel’s second official language and Russian is not an official language at all. In practice, however, the main parties know they have to appeal to the huge Russian immigrant population; they know they won’t get the popular Arab vote, although shady “vote contractors” regularly “buy” the votes of some Arab villages by offering the mukhtar, or clan leader, various benefits that they should have already had, but were denied due to neglect. During last year’s Labor primaries, for example, Infrastructure Minister Fuad Ben Eliezer (Labor) ordered the electricity company to hook some small villages up to the national grid (!) in exchange for their votes. The secular urban Arab vote tends to go to Hadash, Ram Ta’al or Balad.

Summary of the Hadash clip: a bunch of people (Arabs and Jews) say “obviously!”, then “obviously Hadash!” They trot out their platform/slogans: “two states for two nations”; workers’ rights; women’s rights; social justice; the leading force against the occupation; political left; social left; the real left; the party that achieved clean air legislation and a law granting women extended maternity benefits; the first to oppose the Second Lebanon War; the first to lead the opposition to the Gaza military campaign; the only list that has true cooperation between Jews and Arabs.

And now we come to the true piece de resistance. It’s the campaign advert for the Holocaust Survivors and Green Leaf (legalization of cannabis) party. I’m not making this up, people. This is a real party. The clip is subtitled, except for the first caption, which reads “this number – i.e., a concentration camp tattoo number -  is not good for credit”. Please move your liquids away from your computer before watching.

Eretz Nehederet satirizes Israeli “hasbara” with hip hop song

Eretz Nehederet, Israel’s most popular satire show, stood proud and strong against the consensus during the Gaza military operation. While the mainstream media – both Israeli and international – kept on reporting that an estimated 90 percent of Jewish Israelis supported the operation, Eretz Nehederet stuck with an unmistakably anti-war message. And yet, the show remained as popular as ever – probably because it’s totally irreverent, dishing it out to pretty much everyone (Hamas, the IDF, the government, Members of Knesset, pop stars, the Israeli media and the foreign media) with hysterical humour.

“Throw On You Til” is a hip hop song that satirizes the foreign ministry’s less-than-successful attempts to communicate Israel’s position. Now that someone’s put in subtitles and uploaded it to YouTube, you can all enjoy it. Note the pidgin English, Israeli style, mixed with hip hop style. Brilliant.

What Israeli political party represents your worldview?

Kadima (forward)! The United Workers' Party (Mandate-era Socialist party)

Via Bert, I bring you Israel Election Compass. To find out what party best represents you, click here and take the test. Brought to you by a Dutch Christian broadcasting company and newspaper, the Israel Democracy Institute, Ynet, the Dutch website Kieskompas and a Dutch university cooperate.

I took the test, but I won’t share my results until at least 10 readers describe theirs in the comments section. Think of it as a political version of “you show me yours and I’ll show you mine.” Ha!

UPDATE: Okay, the Sandmonkey makes 10. Here are my results:

83% Meretz

82% Hadash

82% Ra’am-Tal

72% Balad

I did vote Meretz in the last elections, but given their shameful position on the Gaza operation, I am not sure that I’ll cast my ballot for them this time. This is a problem, because the options are even less attractive (I wouldn’t vote for any of the other parties that ostensibly represent my views). So… What to do? Not sure yet. Welcome to the Israeli leadership vacuum.

Say goodbye nicely to peace

Against a dramatic black background, the cover of last week’s Time Out Tel Aviv shows a white dove marked as though viewed through a sniper’s rifle. The caption has two meanings. It could be “say goodbye nicely,” which is how one instructs a small child to bid farewell. Or it could be “say peace is lovely.”  Combine the two, and you get “say goodbye nicely to peace”; or, in more sophisticated English, “bid peace a fond farewell.” The sub heading is, “Tel Aviv between Gaza and Sderot.”

According to the polls, 90 percent of Israelis support the Gaza campaign. I find that number quite worrying: public debate and a diversity of opinion are, as Ohad notes in this post, essential characteristics of a healthy democracy; and anyone who has expressed even the mildest anti-war sentiment can testify to the intimidating responses that have, I noticed, cowed many people into silence.

The intimidation ranges from verbal violence (“traitor!” “fifth columnist”) to the threat of being fired from one’s job – as in the case of Channel 2 anchor Yonit Levi. One friend even received death threats – via Facebook, if you can believe it. Assuming, though, that all the people polled about the war know that the Israeli media’s reporting has been controlled by the army spokesman’s iron fist; and assuming that everyone polled is both well-informed about what is really going on in Gaza and unafraid to voice an opinion that deviates from what we are constantly told is the mainstream, that still leaves one person out of 10 opposing the war. In this edition, Time Out Tel Aviv gives them a voice. Below are some translated excerpts.

In a weekly column titled “Reality,” (p.10) Amir Ben-David parodies the wildly popular Big Brother reality TV show that ended last month. (I blogged about his friendship with the editor of of Time Out Beirut during the Second Lebanon War). The hosts of the show were Erez Tal and Assi Ezer. Excerpt:

Erez Tal: And once again we join you, with a show that will have you on the edges of your seat. It’s called “the big boom.” Yes – tonight we have eliminations (from the show). Tension is high. Nerves are frayed. Everyone is biting his nails, especially the handsome young man standing here next to me. Good evening, Assi Ezer.

Assi Ezer: Good evening, Erez. Or, as I prefer to call you, Erez Crossing

Erez: Ha, ha. Very funny.

Assi: I couldn’t resist. Yes, as you said, tonight is a big night. Everyone is sending SMS’s like crazy, but only one candidate will be eliminated at the end of this evening. Only you, the viewers, will decide who that will be. The lines are open and the decision is all yours.

Erez: Remind us, Assi, who are the candidates for elimination tonight?

Assi: With pleasure. Can you smell the smoke? Three are turning on the rotisserie tonight – Jabalyah, Dir El Balah and Nusseirat Refugee Camp. Our brave air force pilots are already sitting in their fighter planes. The tension in the offices of the higher command is at its peak, and only our viewers, who are SMSing now, are the ones that will decide who the pilots eliminate from the face of the earth by the end of this evening.

Erez: Just like that? They’ll eliminate them? Erase them completely?

Assi: Completely! We won’t leave a single stone untouched.

Erez: Children? Women? Old people?

Assi: All of them!

****

On page 28, editor Itai Waldman‘s column is about the despair engendered by the increasing frequency of wars in this region, and the sense that a normal life is ever more elusive. Excerpt:

“You sit on the sofa watching TV and you see the parade of politicians, ministers and generals, and all sorts of people that they find in the attic whenever there’s a war, because they wore a rank on their epaulets so they must know something about something, and everyone analyzes the event, and then we go to our correspondent in Sderot who interviews people where a rocket just fell that very second, and you listen to it all, and you simply refuse to believe that it’s happening again. Because the most frustrating thing about wars is that they never ask you. You’re living your life, in the center of Tel Aviv as it happens, trying to be a good citizen and just go with the flow from age 0 to 80, and to have a nice life, without hurting anyone and without being hurt by anyone else, and every few years, one fine morning, they drop a war on you. And you feel like shouting, ‘Hello?! Could we do this some other day? Because it really doesn’t work for me today; I had other plans. Like living, for example.’

But you can shout until tomorrow, because no-one is listening, and no-one really cares. Not in the places where they make decisions, at least. And you think it could be otherwise, and it could even be that you have some good advice up your sleeve, but with the cacophony of words coming at you from every direction you’re pretty sure that no-one will listen to you, and besides, how much does it really matter?

And then the IDF goes into Gaza, and by the end of the day the generals summarize the first day of the ground operation and say that it was a fantastic day and that we achieved all our goals (‘what goals?’ you wonder naively to yourself), and sometime during the news broadcast, quietly and without moving his lips too much, the anchor announces that one of our soldiers was killed. And the subtext is that one dead in nine days is really nothing and we can be happy and go to sleep with smiles on our faces because the operation is succeeding and everything is fine, but it’s 1 a.m. and you’re very cold and you can’t fall asleep so that probably means that nothing is fine.

And all you can think about is that poor boy who last week was hanging out with his friends at the mall, and after that he went to see a movie with his girlfriend, and then they went back to his place, and they made love the way you do when you’re 18, quietly, because you still live at home and your parents are sleeping in the next room. And in the morning they get up together, and he goes to the army and they make plans to meet when he gets his next furlough, in another two weeks, and until then they will speak on the phone, ‘I’ll SMS you when I’m back at the base, so you’ll know I’m okay.’ And then the war starts, and they tell him he is going into Gaza, and she is worried, and he tries to calm her down, and she won’t be calmed, and he has to hang up, and she’s alive, and he’s dead.”

—–

“And now you’re frustrated. And your frustration is so big that you can uproot mountains and make buildings collapse. Frustrated, you watch the news hosted by Raviv Druker and Ofer Shelach, whom you usually like a lot, as they talk with some general from the reserves, and they start with that fascist mumbo jumbo, and Shelach says that the best way to fight in a heavily built-up area is to blow up the whole neighbourhood first and then to fight in an open area, and they laugh, they really, really laugh, and you think ‘How can you laugh? How are you able to laugh?’, and you feel as though you’ll never want to laugh again.

Wars have a certain cumulative quality. When you’re a kid and they bomb you, and your dad takes you in his arms and runs to the shelter, the whole situation is infused with a sort of weird childhood magic. And when you’re in the army and you enter a battle with your unit, you’re so brainwashed that it doesn’t really touch you. And you can even survive your first war as an adult civilian. But one day the moment comes when you just collapse.

And that’s what you feel is happening right now. That you don’t understand what they want from you. That you don’t understand why now. That everything looks so capricious, illogical, unfair. And you’re sad for everyone – the people of Gaza, the people of southern Israel, who didn’t do anything bad to anyone either, but mostly for yourself. You’re sad for yourself because you don’t want to to spend the rest of your life like this – from bombing to bombing, from injustice to injustice, from death to death. You’re sad for yourself because life has taught you that you only have yourself. And the only people you thought maybe you’re not sad about are the politicians, but then you give that a bit more thought, and you’re sad for them too. They’re so contemptible, so impotent, that it would be disgusting on your part not to feel grief for them.

War is something huge. Enormous. And you can look at it from so many different angles. You can talk about the causal factors, and you can talk about the disengagement from Gaza; you can try to understand if this is calculated as an election strategy, and you can talk about the crisis within the political left; you can talk about the wartime induction of the media, and you can talk about pathetic celebrities, that go to perform in the bomb shelters in a cynical attempt to revive their careers. But talking about all that will just make the war continue. And that is why the only subject worthy of discussion in wartime is the people who are dying. The newspapers should be filled with lines upon lines with the names of the dead, and who they were, and what they did, and what they wanted to do tomorrow morning but will never do. People who planned to live here with us, today, and to breathe the air that I breathe now when I write this text, and the air that you breathe when you read this text, and the only thing that touches their cold nostrils right now, is ash.”

*****

On page 30, Elinor Davidov writes about  a 40-episode television documentary called Gaza-Sderot, Life in Spite of Everything. Each episode features an interview with an ordinary person on either side of the border, describing daily life. The result is a fascinating combination of drama and banality that makes the series well worth watching. It was co-produced by a staff from Sderot’s Sapir College, Gaza’s Ramattan Studios and the German-French arte.tv (photos and bio blurbs are here). On page 31, there is a sidebar: it reproduces a sad and desperate IM chat that took place between one of the Israeli producers and a Gazan producer shortly after the windows on the latter’s house were blown out by a bomb that fell on the house next door.

Hadash MK Dov Khenin wrote a long opinion piece that starts on page 35. I’m running out of time for translating, so I’ll just do the introduction:

“And of course it would never occur to anyone to think that this military operation has actually made life worse for the residents of the western Negev. After all, it’s ‘our right and even our obligation’ to protection civilians. Everything is buried under the rhetoric that deals with the most immediate response – they’re shooting at you, thus you are permitted to shoot back, and you are even permitted to go a little crazy and shoot at everything that is in your way. Is it wise to shoot? Are there other ways to stop them from shooting at you? Not now. We’re shooting now.”

Page 37 has a sidebar that describes the Israeli media’s total silence about the anti-war march I blogged about last week. According to the item, 15,000 people participated in that demonstration. Each of the major media outlets offers an official explanation as to why they ignored the story.

A series of snapshots – mini-interviews, slices of life – from southern Israel are spread out over pages 38-41.

And there you have it – voices from amongst the 10 percent.

“They can either be eliminated, or we can learn to live together with them”

Veronika Kokhlova, a Kiev-based blogger and photographer, introduced me to the rich Russian-Israeli blogosphere during the Second Lebanon War. I blogged about Israel Northern Blog toward the end of the last war; by then I was emotionally exhausted, but those moving excerpts still managed to affect me.

Now Veronika, who also blogs for Global Voices, has translated a blog post by a Russian-Israeli who immigrated in the mid-1990s. Like so many immigrants from the former Soviet Union, Leonid Rabin started his life in Israel as a menial worker – in this case, he worked on a construction site in Ashdod, alongside day labourers from Gaza. In the following post, he describes his experience of working alongside Gazans, and how it helped him to arrive at certain conclusions regarding Israel’s ability to subdue its neighbours.

***  *** ***

Palestinian construction workers. Credit: Kevin Frayer/AP

Palestinian construction workers. Credit: Kevin Frayer/AP

“All of them are [fathers with many children]. Aged 40 or older. To get an Israeli work permit, a Gazan has to have no fewer than five children (it was considered that in this case he’d be working honestly instead of fooling around). Speaking of the issue of [high] birth rates in Gaza – for some reason, we here tend to forget that we’ve been stimulating these birth rates ourselves, including through measures like this one.

[The head of the Gazan construction team] has been working in Israel for about 15 years. They say he has built nearly half of [Rishon LeZion]. Two of those [seven men] who were shot by the “Jewish hero” [Ami Popper on May 20, 1990] used to work along with him. He was lucky himself: he got sick that day and didn’t go to work, or else he would have been there, too.

As a child, he escaped from [Ashkelon] (which was called Majdal then). He said his parents owned a lot of land there and were respected people. Then, of course, there was a refugee camp, but he managed to get ahead there and ended up becoming [head of a construction team].

The second Gazan “old-timer” was the father of 12 children (that’s more than the rest of them had), nicknamed [Ya-Hmar]. He got this nickname because he owned the best stud donkey in Gaza. Everyone took their female donkeys to him. But the income from that wasn’t enough, so he worked at construction in Israel. While working, he yelled “yalla-yalla” every two minutes, urging everyone on, and his voice could be heard in all the neighboring blocks.

To my question of whether it was difficult to be raising 12 children, he once replied: “The more of them, the easier. They split into two teams and play football, are busy with each other all the time, don’t bother us.”

[...]

This whole bunch lived somewhere around [Khan Yunis].

Now about a typical working day of these [Ivan Denisovichs].

Its most important feature was the passing of the Erez [machsom] (a checkpoint on the way into Israel). The machsom opened at 4 AM, and closed at 5 or 6 PM. That meant that at 5 AM, one had to be at the machsom, because passing through it took no less than an hour.

So, they wake up at around 3 AM. At 4 AM, they get into the car of the [team's head] à la a “big taxi” and ride to machsom. The ride takes no less than an hour, because inside the [Gaza Strip] there are also Israeli checkpoints where they stop you. Near the Erez machsom, they leave their car – they can’t ride into Israel in it. Around 5:30 AM, if they are lucky, they pass through the machsom and get into an Israeli bus. These special route buses were taking Gazans from Erez all the way to Tel Aviv. Their drivers were also Gazans, but only especially trusted. Around 6 AM, the bus passed the “Ad Galom” intersection, the Gazans got out and walked to the construction site.

They had some three kilometers to walk. Along the way they [took some booty] – snatched clothes hanging out to dry, found women’s footwear somewhere, a few times they dragged children’s bikes to the construction site. To my question about how they managed to get the stolen goods through the machsom into Gaza, they said it was very easy. On the way back, no one was checking them, but it was impossible to bring a screw into Israel, as everyone was searched and undressed almost to the underwear.

Work began at 7:30 AM, and the Gazans had about an hour and a half to spare before that. Enough to gather whatever had been misplaced in the neighboring blocks as well as to make fire and have breakfast.

Entry into Gaza closed at 5 PM (and at 1 PM on Fridays), so they had to leave work no later than 3 PM, otherwise they would miss their bus. Those who didn’t get registered on entrance and on exit, in the morning and in the evening, were losing their right to enter Israel. If you missed a bus, take a taxi or whatever, but at 5 PM you have to be in the [Gaza Strip].

From the Erez machsom they could ride home in the same car. At best, they were home at 6 PM. They ate dinner, prayed, and it was time for bed. Tomorrow, they had to wake up at 3 in the morning.

By the way, they say some Gazans didn’t go home from Erez but slept right at the machsom on [the Gaza Strip] side, [...] on the mattresses. They were saving time and energy this way. But not our guys – they were decent people, had to hug the wife and say hello to children.

About prayer, by the way. Prayer is sacred. A prayer rug was always with them, if not – any other would do. When the time came, every Gazan prayed regardless of where he was – at the construction site, at the machsom, on the road. The [head of the team] was the most religious.

In eight hours, a Gazan had [to do as much work] as everyone else did in ten hours, because if he failed to, [...] it was more profitable to hire Romanians or any other gastarbeiter, who could work 10 or even 12 hours, could work overtime if necessary, and didn’t have to get registered in the morning and in the evening at the machsom. And indeed, in these eight hours, a Gazan did as much as a Romanian did in 12 hours. All that after the way “there” and before the way “back” described above.

I and most other non-Gazans would break down after a week of such a schedule, but our Gazans lived like this for decades. Up until the day the [Gaza Strip] was shut down once and for all, and the life of people there grew even worse. [...] Having seen all this, I understood even then that it was impossible to defeat these people or break them down. They can either be eliminated, or we can learn to live together with them. There are no other options.”