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Monthly Archives: September 2010

NGO demands that police investigate toddler’s death from tear gas

Mohamed Abu Sarah (photo: Panet)

There has been a development in the case of an 18 month-old Palestinian baby who died, apparently due to tear gas inhalation, during riots in East Jerusalem on Friday (24 September). The Association for Civil Rights in Israel (ACRI), the Israeli equivalent to the ACLU, is demanding that the police investigate the incident.

In Israel and the occupied territories, the deaths of Palestinian civilians caused by Israeli security forces are almost never investigated. This is true particularly if the Palestinians are residents of the West Bank or East Jerusalem, although no police officer was ever convicted following the events of October 2000, during which 12 Palestinian citizens of Israel and one Palestinian resident of the occupied territories were shot and killed during a political demonstration in the Galilee.

Roi Maor, executive director of human rights NGO Yesh Din, writes that, for the period of 2000-2009, less than 6 percent of nearly 2,000 investigations opened against IDF soldiers suspected of crimes against Palestinians ended in indictments. And out of that 6 percent, only four resulted in convictions. Not 4 percent, emphasizes Mr. Maor: just four.

Given its history of neglecting or ignoring the violent deaths of Palestinians caused by Israeli security forces, it is perhaps not surprising that the Jerusalem district police, rather than rushing to investigate the death of a toddler in a densely populated civilian area in their jurisdiction, instead brushed it off with the claim that nobody notified them about the baby’s death – and that even if the the death really did happen, it was probably caused by leaked cooking gas.

The Israeli government’s policy is that East and West Jerusalem are the same city; that Jerusalem is Israel’s eternal capital – never to be divided again, as it was from 1948-1967. And yet, East Jerusalem’s approximately 208,000 Palestinian residents live without the basic amenities that are taken for granted in West Jerusalem – or by Jews living in Jewish settlements in East Jerusalem, like Pisgat Zeev, Ramot, Gilo and Maaleh Adumim.

In the Palestinian neighborhoods and villages of East Jerusalem, the roads are badly paved. There are no sidewalks or parks. Garbage is rarely collected, so the residents burn it instead. Schools have up to 80 pupils per classroom. Municipal bus lines that start in West Jerusalem do not extend into many East Jerusalem neighborhoods. The border police who patrol the area are known to set upon and beat Palestinian men for no reason.

Silwan, the day after the riots
A street in Silwan. Badly paved, densely populated and with no garbage collection.

ACRI recently published a report called “Unsafe Space: The Israeli Authorities’ Failure to Protect Human Rights amid Settlements in East Jerusalem”, which explains how the police exacerbate the already tense atmosphere by practicing selective law enforcement in favor of the settlers – allowing the Jewish interlopers to harass and perpetrate violence against the Palestinian families, while ignoring the basic civil rights of the Palestinian residents.

Recently, far-right Jewish settlers (Kahanists) have settled deep in Silwan, living side-by-side with Palestinian neighbors. The goal of these settlers is to ‘Judaize’ Silwan, ultimately pushing the Palestinians out by quasi-legal means. The presence of these Jewish settlers brings with it armed, hostile and aggressive private security guards who are paid by the state. When the settlers’ children travel to school through the densely populated, narrow streets of Silwan, they are transported by these armed security guards – or even Israeli border police. No wonder, then, that tensions in the area are so high.

As noted by +972 Magazine’s Joseph Dana in his report from Silwan, the police used so much tear gas on Friday that it was impossible to breathe, and residents were evacuating their children to their basements where possible. And yet, the main story on Israeli news sites the day after the toddler’s death was about two Jewish teens who – in a terribly sad irony – died after accidentally inhaling excessive amounts of laughing gas.

Walla! News broke the story about ACRI’s demanding a police investigation into Mohamed Abu Sarah’s death. The Hebrew original is here; my translation is below.

Funeral for Mohamed Abu Sarah, East Jerusalem (photo: Panet)

Investigate how the death of a baby was caused by tear gas, demand petitioners

By Nir Yahav/Walla! News correspondent for Arab and Palestinian affairs

The Association for Civil Rights in Israel (ACRI) demanded yesterday (Saturday) that the police open an investigation into the death of 18 month-old Mohamed Abu-Sarah from Issawiyeh. The toddler apparently died from inhaling tear gas that seeped into the living room of his family home, after it was fired by Israeli security forces during confrontations on Friday between residents of East Jerusalem and the police. “The use of tear gas in such large quantities, within a crowded residential neighborhood, can endanger the health of the residents; this is particularly true of the more vulnerable among them – babies, the elderly and pregnant women,” wrote ACRI’s legal counsel in an urgent letter that was sent to the Jerusalem district police. According to ACRI, the 18 month-old toddler suffered from asthma and apparently died from inhaling tear gas.

ACRI attorney Nisreen Alyan requested that the police release their policy regarding the use of tear gas in heavily populated areas: “Does police policy permit the use of tear gas in residential areas?” she wrote. “If so, are there standing orders regarding its use in densely populated areas? Are there limits to the amount of tear gas that can be used in general, or in a residential area specifically? How does police policy protect the uninvolved residents from injury?”

While the residents of the neighborhood claim that the toddler died from inhaling tear gas, the police counter that no-one was injured from their crowd dispersal methods. “Last night a few residents of the area threw rocks at border police who were standing near the village petrol station. The police returned fire using crowd dispersal methods. No-one was injured and no damage was caused,” responded the police spokesperson.

The riots in the area broke out following an incident in which an Israeli security guard shot to death Samar Sarhan, a resident of Silwan. Two more people were wounded during violent clashes that broke out between residents, Jewish settlers and security forces.

The things they see: children at play in Jerusalem

On a chilly winter night about two years ago, Muhammad, a taxi driver from East Jerusalem, waited for me in the parking lot at Qalandiya Checkpoint, reading a newspaper by the car’s interior light. I’d originally called him to pick me up from a cafe in Ramallah, but my coffee companion, also called Muhammad, interrupted our conversation and insisted on knowing how much I would be charged. “One hundred and fifty shekels?!” he repeated in a scandalized tone. “No way! Give me the phone, let me talk to him.”

And so the two Muhammads spoke rapidly in Arabic and closed matters without consulting me. Ramallah Muhammad returned my phone to me and said, “I’ll drive you to the checkpoint. He’ll pick you up and drive you from there to Jerusalem. We agreed on 70 shekels.”

I’d known Muhammad-the-driver for about three years. As an East Jerusalem resident, he had yellow Israeli license plates and was permitted to travel freely between the West Bank and Israel. Warm and refreshingly free of machismo, he spoke fluent Hebrew, and we’d enjoyed many long, interesting conversations about a variety of subjects during our drives between and around Israel and the West Bank. His low-key, self-possessed manner worked wonders on irritable, capricious soldiers at checkpoints.

Glancing at his profile as I sat down in the front passenger seat, I said jokingly, “Hey, you grew a beard! What happened, have you joined the Muslim Brotherhood?” Turning the key in the ignition, Muhammad answered curtly, without smiling, “Something like that.” He drove silently along the dark, ill-paved road that ended at Hizma, a drive-through checkpoint named for the Palestinian village on which it is built. A young soldier leaned his head in through the open window, said “Good evening, how are you?” and waited for a response, in order to check that my Hebrew did not have an Arabic accent. Satisfied, he waved us through and we were in well-lit, well-paved, red-roofed Pisgat Zeev, one of the ring neighorhoods built by the Israeli government on land that was conquered in 1967. For Israel, it is a Jerusalem suburb; for the rest of the world, it is a settlement.

Muhammad broke his long silence with a desultory comment about the weather; he also asked polite questions about my health and my work. “I haven’t seen you for a long time,” he remarked. “No,” I answered. “I don’t go to Ramallah very often. It’s difficult…” I trailed off, sensing that he was not really interested in my problems. Muhammad grunted and was silent again. Then he said, suddenly, “Things are very bad in Jerusalem.” I made a sympathetic sound, not knowing what to say. I wasn’t accustomed to discussing politics with this cold, withdrawn Muhammad. The atmosphere felt uncomfortable and I, unused to feeling anything but completely at ease with Muhammad, did not want to say the wrong thing.

Muhammad continued, “I don’t know how to protect my children. How to protect them from the violence. I don’t let them watch the news on television and I walk them to school, but it’s not enough. My wife wants another child and I think, for what? To bring him into this..?”

By then we had arrived at my friend’s house in boho chic Nahlaot, near the entrance to the Mahane Yehuda Market in Jewish West Jerusalem. Muhammad stopped the car and turned to me with a searching look. Wanting to say something sympathetic, I stammered, “I understand what you mean. It does feel very bad in Jerusalem. People in Tel Aviv seem to have given up on this city, and I don’t visit often because it’s so tense here.”

“Oh, I see,” answered Muhammad in an angry tone, “So you’re leaving Jerusalem to the Arabs and the ultra-Orthodox Jews, eh?”

Shocked at being misinterpreted so badly, “That is not what I meant, Muhammad. Not at all!”

We were silent for a moment as the motor idled. Then I asked him, just to fill the silence and indicate that I was ready to get out of the taxi, “How much do I owe you, again?”Without hesitating, Muhammad said in a neutral tone, “One hundred and fifty shekels.”

I paid him without protest, not wanting to humiliate us both by reminding him that he’d told my friend the price was 70 shekels. But I never called Muhammad again.

Last week at the Peres Center for Peace in Jaffa, I attended the opening of Frames of Reality, an exhibition of photographs by Israeli and Palestinian photojournalists. Each of the photographers exhibited a series of works based on a theme – like Tomer Appelbaum’s series on Israeli civilians who own handguns; or Gazan photojournalist Eman Mohammed‘s series on ‘home‘; or Asaf Hatav’s series on Eritrean refugees in Israel.

Atta Awisat, a Palestinian East Jerusalem resident who works for Yedioth Aharonoth, put together a series about children at play.

In his written introduction to his photos of children in East Jerusalem, Atta notes:

Occasionally, they are happy and sing songs as the politicians shake hands in pursuit of peace; later, they find themsleves abandoning their school rooms – their future – throwing aside their small school bags and books, hiding behind burning tires and throwing stones at armed soldiers. When the rage subsides and the sun washes across their tanned faces, there is a respite – they begin to play again, and that is where the truth lies. Before you take issue with me, I invite you to observe these children at play. Of course, you may not be able to differentiate between their playacting and reality, especially when you place one photo next to another and try to find the distinctions between them.


Standing and looking at these photos, hung on the walls of the Peres Center for Peace in Jaffa, I thought about all the ugly, depressing things I had seen over the past few years. I thought about the fact that I could always go home and distract myself from those scenes with distance, the company of friends and sometimes a few drinks. But Muhammad lived inside them.
Cross-posted to +972 Magazine.

An Israeli artist visualizes her country as a non-democratic state

For her senior project in visual communications at the Holon Institute of Technology (HIT), artist Sivan Hurvitz exhibited a series of illustrations called “Turn right at the end: the future of a country that gave up on democracy.” It is featured on the website of The Project for Democracy, under the auspices of the Association for Civil Rights in Israel (ACRI). The project, which is currently in Hebrew and Arabic, will debut next week in English.

In her strikingly realistic, detailed illustrations – six in all – Sivan imagines “an apocalyptic, harshly exaggerated, imaginary, future scenario” in an Israel that is no longer a democracy. Her purpose, she writes, is “to provoke and raise questions among Israelis about the direction the country is going in and to think if this is the country we want to become in the future.” She notes that, while the scenarios are purposely exaggerated, each illustration was inspired by a real-life event that is described in the caption. I have added explanatory notes under the description of the event that inspired each photo.

Blind Loyalty

Blind Loyalty, by Sivan Hurvitz

Inspiration: In April 2009 the Yisrael Beiteinu (Israel Our Home) party presented a legislative bill that came to be called the Loyalty Law. According to the bill, the granting of Israeli citizenship would be predicated on the applicant’s agreeing and signing a declaration of “loyalty to the state of Israel as a Jewish, Zionist and democratic state, to its symbols and values respectively.” The bill obligates every citizen to serve in the Israeli military or in the ranks of alternative organizations, and authorizes the Minister of Internal Affairs to revoke the citizenship of whoever refuses to sign or to serve the country according to the aforementioned declaration.

Notes (LG): The totalitarian-realist style statue shows Avigdor Liberman, head of Yisrael Beiteinu and current Foreign Minister. The statue is placed in Rabin Square, the place where Yitzhak Rabin was assassinated in 1995. The building in the background is the Tel Aviv Municipality, which was designed in the 1970s Brutalist style of architecture.

Against the Spirit, by Sivan Hurvitz

Inspiration: On May 2010 Professor Noam Chomsky, a renowned linguist and critic of Israeli policy in the occupied territories, was denied entry into the occupied territories. The Ministry of Internal Affairs confirmed that the decision was theirs and within the bounds of the ministry’s jurisdiction. In an interview following the incident, Chomsky mentioned that he was told that the government does not approve of his opinions and of the fact that he chose to visit Bir Zeit University instead of an Israeli university.

Notes (LG): The name of the author on the book is David Grossman, one of Israel’s most renowned authors and a vocal peacenik who frequently speaks out against government policies. The typically Tel Aviv-style street is named Marzel, for extremist settler movement leader Baruch Marzel, a disciple of the late Meir Kahane. The tall building in the background is Tel Aviv’s Shalom (Peace) Tower, once the tallest building in Israel.

Internal Security, by Sivan Hurvitz

Internal Security, by Sivan Hurvitz

Inspiration: Following the publication of the Goldstone Report, which accuses both Israel and Hamas of war crimes, the right-wing Im Tirtzu movement launched a media campaign that accused human rights organizations of collaborating with the enemy. The movement published a report claiming that most of the testimonies in the Goldstone’s report originated with various Israeli human rights organizations. What followed in May 2010 was a legislative bill that proposed the de-legitimization of all Israeli organizations and associations providing information to foreign authorities in order to bring military officers and politicians suspected of committing war crimes to justice.

Notes (LG): The scene is set on a recognizable corner of Rothschild Boulevard, in front of a building called the Levin House, which was the Soviet embassy in the 1950s. The paramilitary police beating the man with the leaflets are called Yasam; they are frequently deployed to break up political demonstrations in East Jerusalem and the occupied West Bank, and have come under criticism for employing excessively violent tactics. The notices on the pillar include one that is a “Wanted” sign for Yossi Sarid, a former left-wing political leader who is now a columnist for Haaretz. Other notices are for a workshop in shooting, a call for volunteers to join a new settlement and a reminder: “the state is for you; be loyal to it.” The fliers scattered on the pavement are from Amnesty Israel.

Children are a joy, by Sivan Hurvitz

Inspiration: In 2002 the mandate for the National Council of Demographics was renewed, with a stated goal of providing recommendations to assure the preservation of a Jewish majority in Israel – largely by encouraging women to have more children. Shlomo Benizri (Shas), then Minister of Social Affairs, declared that “the fear of losing Israel’s unique character obligates us to take action so as not to become a minority in our own country within a decade or two.”

Notes (LG): The man in the background, sitting under the closed circuit camera, is reading the right-wing, pro-Netanyahu newspaper Yisrael Hayom (Israel Today). The headline is, “Anti-abortion law passed its third reading [in the Knesset].”

Pride and Prejudice, by Sivan Hurvitz

Inspiration: In May 2010 a member of Be’er Sheva’s city council, Zachariya Ohev Shalom, attacked the municipal decision to sponsor a pride parade in the city of Be’er Sheva. He stated:”I don’t hate the gay-lesbian community in Be’er Sheva, they are simply sick and in need of treatment.”

Notes (LG): The building looks like a typical Israeli national health clinic, but it is called the National Institute for the Treatment of Sexual Deviations.” The slogan over the poster on the right, showing the heterosexual couple, is “I’m cured!”

Dark Education, by Sivan Hurvitz

Dark Education, by Sivan Hurvitz

Inspiration: In July 2010 the Ministerial Committee on Legislative Issues approved the Nakba Bill, which in its initial stages called for the imprisonment of anyone who commemorates the Israeli Independence day as a day of mourning. In its current form the bill calls for denial of public funding to any organization that publicly commemorates the Palestinian narrative of the events of 1948 (Nakba means catastrophe). Several days later the Ministry of Education decided to eliminate the term “Nakba” from the Arab sector’s school curriculum.

Notes: The classroom looks like a typical elementary school classroom anywhere in Israel, which makes the deviations so striking. The teacher is pointing to a map that shows Greater Israel – the vision advocated by the Revisionist party (precursor to the Likud). The white swathe of territory, which includes the Egyptian Sinai, the West Bank and Gaza, is labeled in large, bold font: JEWS.

On the whiteboard, to the right of the map, is the following information:

STATE OF ISRAEL

Area: 80,000 kilometers

Population: Jews

Language: Hebrew (Arabic is currently Israel’s second official language).

The textbooks on the pupils’ desks are titled “Homeland Studies.”

On the left wall, near the flag, where official portraits of the prime minister and the president might be hung, are three portraits of extreme right-wing politicians: Rehavam Zeevi of the now-defunct Moledet party, which advocated transferring the Palestinians out of the West Bank and Israel; Avigdor Liberman, leader of the ultra-nationalist Yisrael Beiteinu party; and Rabbi Meir Kahane, founder of the now-banned Kach party, which advocated both transfer of the Palestinians and replacement of civil law with Jewish theological law (Halacha).

Sivan Hurvitz’s illustrations now appear on the Democracy Project website. The Democracy Project was initiated under the auspices of ACRI, the Association for Civil Rights in Israel. The site, which is now online in Hebrew and Arabic, will debut next week in English.

A rapist who dodged jail, or a man unjustly accused because he was Palestinian?

Sabbar Kashur on the cover of The City Tel Aviv Magazine, 3 September 2010

A few weeks ago, a story about a Palestinian man convicted by an Israeli court of raping a Jewish woman made headlines around the world. Sabbar Kashur, a 30 year-old resident of East Jerusalem, was convicted not of rape by physical force, but rather of rape by deception: according to the verdict, he presented himself as a Jewish bachelor interested in a serious relationship, when he was in fact a married Muslim Arab looking for a quickie.

Kashur and the plaintiff met two years ago on a street in downtown Jerusalem. According to the story that was initially published quite widely, he introduced himself as Dudu (a Hebrew nickname derived from David). They flirted; he suggested that they go to a nearby building; she agreed; and a few minutes later they were having consensual sex. Only later, after the woman discovered that Dudu was an Arab, did she accuse him of rape. Israeli law stipulates that sex obtained by deception is rape.

The judges’ wording of the verdict seemed to be inspired by E.M. Forster’s A Passage to India, or an Oriental version of To Kill a Mockingbird, with Kashur as Tom Robinson, the black man unjustly accused of raping a white woman in 1930s Alabama. “If she hadn’t thought the accused was a Jewish bachelor interested in a serious romantic relationship, she would not have cooperated,” wrote the judges. Judge Tsvi Segal added, “The court is obliged to protect the public interest from sophisticated, smooth-tongued criminals who can deceive innocent victims at an unbearable price – the sanctity of their bodies and souls.”

By the time the verdict was published, Kashur had been under house arrest for nearly two years, wearing an electronic monitoring device, presumably living in the same house as his children and his wife while he was on trial for raping another woman. An interview Kashur gave to Haaretz was quoted extensively by the international media: “If I were Jewish, they wouldn’t have even questioned me,” he said. “That’s not called rape, I didn’t rape her in the forest and and throw her away naked. She agreed to everything that happened.”

There were two precedents of Israeli Jewish men convicted of rape by deception; but in both those cases, the men were convicted of lying about their socio-economic status. Never had a man been convicted of rape by deception for claiming he was a Jew when he was in fact an Arab. Haaretz columnist Gideon Levy asked rhetorically if a Jewish man would have been convicted for posing as a Muslim in order to bed a Muslim woman.

For Israel’s male-dominated, socially liberal media, the outrage could be parsed as follows: all men lie to obtain sex – this is normal and not worthy of comment; but only in Israel is such a banal incident considered rape if the liar turns out to be an Arab posing as a Jew.

This past Friday (3 September) Ha’Ir (The City), a weekly magazine distributed only in Tel Aviv, published a cover story by Lital Grossman that brought a new perspective to the story. “Don’t look at him like that,” is the title of the piece, in large white font superimposed over Kashur’s image against a red background. The lede summary continues:

‘The story of “Dudu,” or Saber Kashur, sounded bizarre from the beginning. A man from an Arab family pretended to be a Jewish bachelor and convinced a young Jewish woman to have sex with him. Based on that, he was sentenced to 18 months in jail. In response to a request from Ha’Ir, the courts released the testimony of “B,” revealing a sad life story and her version of the events that occurred on that afternoon two years ago. According to her testimony, the story is much more complicated and the identity of the victim is rather different – that of a woman who was found after the encounter with Kashur naked on the roof of a building on 13 Hillel Street in Jerusalem.”

A very brief summary of the piece is as follows: the plaintiff, identified in the article as “B*,” was an emotionally traumatized woman in her 20s who had been raped by her father from the age of six. On the day she met Kashur, she was living in a women’s shelter. Before that, she had worked briefly as a prostitute and spent some time living on the streets. Kashur lured her into the building on Hillel Street with the claim that he worked there and wanted to show her his office; he then assaulted her and raped her, leaving her naked and bleeding – which is how the police discovered her.

B. was later hospitalized in a psychiatric institution, where the police questioned her about the rape, which led them to Kashur. During the trial, after it became apparent that B’s past, combined with her emotional state, made her a vulnerable witness, the prosecution came up with a plea bargain of rape by deception.

Excerpt from B’s testimony**:

“At first he told me his name was Daniel (and not Dudu, the nickname his friends use, as Kashur claimed in interviews; LG)… he didn’t want to tell me his last name… after a few minutes he like said ‘Cohen.’” B. also said that “he asked me if I have a boyfriend and I said no, and then he asked me if I want to be his girlfriend. I asked him if he’s married, and he said no, and then I asked him if he has children and he told me he doesn’t have children.” Later in that conversation, according to the testimony, Kashur asked B. for a kiss. “He wanted me to give him a kiss on the cheek and then he gave one back.” According to B., they also exchanged phone numbers.

At this point, according to the testimony, Kashur invited B. to see where he works, supposedly in the building at 13 Hillel Street, outside of which they were standing. “He said he wanted to invite me for coffee and show me his workplace there,”said B. The reason she gave for agreeing to leave with an almost complete stranger was “I looked for someone to put my trust in… I know that strangers, you even don’t contact them… but because I was, like, as you know, when I told you that I came from a place where there’s no, I lived on the streets for a while too… I thought that if I am with him, I’ll feel safe, and I’ll have, I’ll be financially secure. I really, like, trusted him.”

Right after they entered the building, B. claims, Kashur began forcing himself on her. “We were in the staircase, like in the first stairs of the building, where we entered and then he asked for a hug… so I hugged him because he said that he wants a hug for warmth and love because he didn’t have a relationship in a while, like, a girlfriend… and when I felt that he was too clingy, I tried pushing him away, so he used force a little, like, got a little aggressive.”

According to B., Kashur wouldn’t let go. “He lifted my shirt and the bra and kissed my chest,” she said. But then, a blond woman entered the stairwell, and Kashur stopped. He decided to move from the stairs to the elevator. “When I was with him in the elevator he also touched me and started acting like some psychopath. I was so scared of him… I started sensing that something strange was happening, because I noticed that I wasn’t going to any workplace and I don’t see any coffee cups, and I don’t, then I began to panic and started like, I also screamed when it started happening.”

When they left the elevator on the top floor of the building, according to B., Kashur took her to the stairwell that led to the attic. There, according to her, he raped her. “He took off my pants and underwear,” described B., “and all of this was done with force, I didn’t agree to anything… I was left in just my shirt. Then he took off his clothes… then he put saliva on his penis and then, it was like full penetration, like, it wasn’t with consent as he claims. He laid me on the floor… and asked to kiss my chest too and then like when I asked him to stop and tried to push him away, he started pressuring me with his arms forcefully on me… when I tried to push him with my hand in his stomach, this happened in a more advanced stage, when he was already inside of me, then he said that if I stay silent and I don’t resist, then it would like end faster and it wouldn’t be, like, he wouldn’t use force. I still resisted him and it was forced.”

B’s story sounds believable. Based on her testimony it appears that she was not a racist but rather a terribly vulnerable, emotionally damaged woman who was desperate for affection. The act she describes Kashur having committed is indeed a brutal rape. So the point made in Lital Grossman’s article is that Kashur was not unjustly punished because he was an Arab, but the opposite: that he managed to avoid the punishment he deserved because his ethnicity made it possible to plead guilty to the lesser charge of rape by deception, thus avoiding jail time. Everyone knew there was no way of convicting Kashur of violent rape based on B’s testimony, but the judges and the prosecution were sympathetic to the plaintiff and wanted Kashur to pay at least a little, so they cooked up a deal.

Over the weekend I spent a lot of time thinking about that article. Were those of us who rushed to support Kashur guilty of reverse racism and sexism? If a Jewish man had committed that brutal rape, wouldn’t he have gone to jail for a long time? Or perhaps not. Perhaps a Jewish man accused by a woman with B’s credibility problems would have been released without any conviction at all. But if B was such a vulnerable witness, then why did Kashur’s lawyer agree to a plea? Perhaps because he believed the judges were more influenced by their sympathy for B than their commitment to the law.

There are few unassailable facts or bottom lines here. A woman who may or may not have been raped is in a psychiatric hospital, traumatized and unable to communicate coherently. Perhaps a rapist who should have have been jailed is now a free man, wandering around Jerusalem shopping malls with his kids while the woman he raped is institutionalized, physically and emotionally traumatized. Or perhaps an innocent man was forced to plead guilty to a crime he did not commit, in order to avoid being sentenced to jail by judges who were biased against Arabs.

None of these issues were raised in the original reporting of the affair. Lital Grossman says that Ha’Ir was able to have the court testimony unsealed within two weeks of submitting a request; but in the initial reports, none of the Israeli media mentioned failed attempts to obtain the testimony.The polarized, angry atmosphere in contemporary Israel seems to make rational, detached analysis nearly impossible. This is a very troubling state of affairs. It is also quite dangerous.

*Israeli courts banned publication of the plaintiff’s name in order to protect her privacy, but the Guardian went ahead and published her first name.

**Since the 3,000 word feature was published Saturday on Haaretz’s Hebrew website (Ha’Ir and Haaretz are both owned by Schocken) I was hoping it would be translated for the English edition, but it hasn’t been and Elizabeth Tsurkov saved me hours of work: she translated the whole thing and posted it on Mideast Youth.